History That Doesn't Suck

Professor Jackson takes a step back to review themes from episodes 187 through 189 (War in Europe and America’s Response), specifically the slow turn from isolationism to aid via Lend-Lease, and eventually to preparing for war. 

Prof. Jackson’s guests are Professor Lindsay Cormack, an associate professor of political science at Stevens Institute of Technology, and historian Lynne Olson, author of several books on WW2 including Citizens of London which chronicles the pivotal role played by three Americans who influenced the decisions of President Franklin Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill—Edward R. Murrow, Averell Harriman, and John Gilbert Winant. Olson emphasizes how these individuals navigated the complexities of diplomacy and public opinion, often against a backdrop of American isolationism and British skepticism, ultimately building a strong relationship that was essential for the war effort. 

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"At long last, Mr. President.”—Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill

This is the story of the second year of WWII and the United States’ response. 

As the war enters its second full year, things are looking dire for Britain: Germany has forced France into submission, the Blitz is in full swing, and the cash-strapped nation is running out of money to pay for US aid. Lend-Lease, or H.R. 1776, is the proposed solution; it’ll allow Franklin to transfer munitions to “any country whose defense the President deems vital to the defense of the US.” But there is stiff opposition. Is the language too dictatorial? Does it make entering the war unavoidable? As Americans discuss the bill across the country, famed aviator Charles “Lucky Lindy” Lindbergh will argue against it, while recently defeated 1940 presidential candidate Wendell Willkie will argue for it. Nor are they the only ones disagreeing: workers are striking in record numbers. Building an “arsenal of democracy” means labor and business will have to settle their differences.

Meanwhile, as FDR and Winston Churchill secretly meet for the first time in the frigid climes of the northern Atlantic, the Army and Navy are drilling down to brass tacks—what would it really mean if America enters the war? How many men would the nation need in uniform? Could American production cope with wartime demands? Pragmatic American leaders are preparing and planning just in case, mostly with their eyes on Germany … but increasingly on Japan. Relations are eroding swiftly. Perhaps Uncle Sam’s greatest immediate threat isn’t across the Atlantic but the Pacific …

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Professor Greg Jackson shares a personal message about our politically divided times and announces more tour dates for his live show: The Unlikely Union. 

This show is not recorded for the podcast. Go to HTDSpodcast.com/live-shows for more information and dates.

 Prof. Jackson’s national tour has already been to half of the 50 states, so-called red and blue states, big cities and small towns.  What he’s encountered is everyday people, regardless of their political stripe coming together to share in the telling of the extraordinary history of the first century of our nation. That period from fiery revolution through bloody civil war is– not despite of, but because of its ugly and all but insurmountable challenges– a consoling reminder that we have been through far, far worse times and much greater division than is even imaginable today.  And it's a cautionary tale. Our great strength is our union and our great peril is our division. 

The words of the Republican candidate from Illinois for the US Senate spoken in 1858 ring true today:  "A house divided against itself cannot stand." You're damn right, Abe.

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“I have said not once but many times that I have seen war and that I hate war. … I hope the United States will keep out of this war. I believe that it will.”



This is the story of the first year of WWII in the European theater and the United States’ response. 



Since the days of President George Washington, the United States has largely held to George Washington’s and Thomas Jefferson’s counsel to avoid “interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe,” and to have “entangling alliances with none.” The nation has dismantled its military built up during the Great War, and many regret ever being a part of it.



Then Adolf Hitler invades Poland. Britain and France, realizing the Führer will never stop, declare war and brace for impact. President FDR reassures Americans: the US remains neutral. 



That said, the “cash-and-carry” policy soon expands to allow the Allies to purchase US munitions, and as the brief pause known as the “Phoney War” gives way to Nazi Germany’s overrunning country after country—including France—Britain’s in trouble. The new Prime Minister Winston Churchill knows that his country needs American help if they’re to survive and win the war. 



With the Old World getting bombarded and blitzkrieged, Franklin Delano Roosevelt becomes gravely concerned. He decides to run for a third term in the White House while trying to persuade Congress and the American people to help the Allies by building an “arsenal of democracy,” even as they hope to avoid war. It’s a tough sell though: can he overcome the United States’s long history of relative isolationism, so adamantly pushed by the new “America First” opposition? Have concerns that the last World War was waged for money left too much baggage to overcome? We’ll find out.



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“A great war can hardly be avoided any longer.”

This is the story of Nazi Germany’s aggressive territorial expansion and the start of WWII.  

The Treaty of Versailles has long been a thorn in Adolf Hitler’s side. Its troublesome limits on troops and technology pose challenges for a man bent on taking lebensraum and building a Grossdeuschland by any means necessary. So he starts quietly building planes and submarines. Then he starts publicly adding a few hundred thousand more soldiers. By 1936, he’s ready to move. He remilitarizes the Rhineland. When that goes well, he only grows bolder. He takes Austria. He takes Czechoslovakia’s Sudetenland. 

Many European leaders—particularly those not named Winston Churchill—fail to grasp just how far the Fuhrer will go. They hope to “appease” him. But when Adolf strikes again, brazenly seizing the rest of Czechoslovakia, even British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain is ready to draw a line. That line is Poland.Connect with us on HTDSpodcast.com and


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